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期刊简介

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《欧洲海皮毛关杂志》（European Journal of International Relations）平常地代表了已在欧洲发展的海皮毛关领域。自1995年创刊以来，该杂志已成为海皮毛关学界一个首要而孤立的声息。它以其欧洲发源为基础，经过二十多年的发展，已成为海皮毛关界最好恶果的缩影，包括前沿的表面诡辩、现代和畴前的学术热门以及表面丰富的实证分析。

本期目次

1

说念德地位——东说念主类地位？探讨大鸿沟暴力事件中说念德与非东说念主化之间的讨论

Moral status – human status? Interrogating the connection between morality and dehumanisation during mass violence

2

寰球非正义和骨子不安全的产生

Global injustice and the production of ontological insecurity

3

转型性盘算？性别群众与工夫官僚的和平

Transformative indicators? Gender expertise and technocratic peace

4

探讨集中国维和手脚对东说念国对外事务的影响

Exploring the impact of United Nations peacekeeping operations on the external affairs of host states

5

西方对中国海外基础枢纽融资的替代有探求为何失败

Why the West’s alternative to China’s international infrastructure financing is failing

6

成员国退出何时会导致海外组织的败北？

When do member state withdrawals lead to the death of international organizations?

内容摘录

说念德地位——东说念主类地位？探讨大鸿沟暴力事件中说念德与非东说念主化之间的讨论

题目：Moral status – human status? Interrogating the connection between morality and dehumanisation during mass violence

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作家简介：Torsten Michel，布里斯托大学海皮毛关高档讲师。主要盘考兴致在于海皮毛关（元）表面和大鸿沟暴力的政事与伦理，尤其热心冲突时期和冲突后信任的作用，以及非东说念主化的意见过甚在大鸿沟暴行中的性质和功能。

摘录：从20世纪70年代的早期盘考开动，非东说念主化冉冉成为分解大鸿沟暴行发生的基本能源和条目的一个首要特征。始终以来，一种广为收受的主导不雅点以为，说念德地位的丧失是曲东说念主化历程中的枢纽组成成分，以为受害者被撤消在义务的说念德范围以外，冲破了说念德壁垒，从而使得某些肆虐式样突破了东说念主类群体中既有的暴力设施。本文以大屠杀这一典型案例为参照，批判性地质疑了迄今为止将丧失说念德地位等同于非东说念主化这一拦阻置疑的不雅点。总体而言，本文主张对非东说念主化的设施性使用和分析性使用进行更概括的区分，需要对其训戒性形势和关联性进行更详备的反想，并对其意见基础进行更为批判的探讨。这么作念不仅八成股东非东说念主化盘考稀疏现时的情景，还能使咱们八成更潜入地评估其在大鸿沟暴力事件中的用途、意思过甚首要性。

Beginning with early studies in the 1970s， dehumanisation has become a key feature in attempts to grasp the fundamental dynamics and conditions under which mass atrocities emerge. One of the most long-standing， prominent and widely accepted conceptions sees the loss of moral status as a key constitutive component of processes of dehumanisation， suggesting that the victims’ exclusion from the moral universe of obligation breaks down moral barriers， enabling forms of persecution outside the established practices of violence among human communities. With reference to the paradigmatic case of the Holocaust， this article critically interrogates this so far unquestioned equation of a loss of moral standing with dehumanisation. Overall， it argues for a much more nuanced differentiation between normative and analytical uses of dehumanisation， the need for more detailed reflections on its empirical appearances and relevance， and a more critical engagement with its conceptual grounding. Doing so will lead dehumanisation research beyond its current state and would allow for a more intricate assessment of its uses， meanings and relevance in cases of mass violence.

寰球非正义与骨子不安全的产生

题目：Global injustice and the production of ontological insecurity

作家简介：Adam B. Lerner，马萨诸塞大学洛厄尔分校政事学副栽植。

摘录：本文建议，从头热心占主导地位的海外常规若何产生骨子层面上的不安全，有助于将骨子安全盘考（OSS）更好大地向宇宙政事中的不公平，至极是当它在多个层面上影响结构边际化的政事步履者时。本盘考将伊里斯-马里恩·扬（Iris Marion Young）的盘考恶果，至极是她对于正义是摈斥总揽和压迫的表面引入骨子安全盘考，从而建议了这一论点。本文模仿杨的“压迫的五面性”表面，以为海外体系中无数存在的多重非正义应被分解为海外体系中骨子不安全的主要着手，它们不仅径直减弱身份的踏实性，还拦阻了处于过失的步履体追求骨子安全的实践。在海外层面，这些历程稀疏单一分析档次，以不同的情势影响着个东说念主、社会群体甚而国度。将扬的表面纳入骨子安全盘考，不仅有助于在政事表面和海皮毛关这两个时时分离的子学科之间建设首要讨论，还能为学者提供更潜入的表面框架，探讨海外体系非正义若何不时导致骨子不安全。著述临了建议，骨子安全盘考应进行设施性转向，想考寰球正义是否应被视为多个共存步履体寻求骨子安全的前提条目。

This article argues that a renewed focus on how dominant international practices produce ontological insecurity can help better orient ontological security studies (OSS) to injustice in world politics， particularly as it affects structurally marginalized political actors at multiple levels. It makes this case by bringing the work of Iris Marion Young to bear on OSS， particularly her theory of justice as the elimination of domination and oppression. Drawing on Young’s “Five Faces of Oppression，” this paper argues that multiple injustices endemic to the international system should be understood as key producers of ontological insecurity in the international system， both in their direct ability to destabilize identities and in their undermining of disadvantaged actors’ ontological security-seeking practices. On international scales， these processes transcend levels of analysis， affecting individuals， social groups， and even states in differing ways. Incorporating Young’s work into OSS not only helps build a vital bridge between the oft estranged sub-disciplines of political theory and IR， but also can provide scholars a means of better theorizing how ontological insecurity is so often a product of the international system’s injustices. The paper thus concludes by proposing a normative turn within OSS， asking whether global justice should be understood as a precondition for ontological security-seeking among multiple co-existing actors.

转型性盘算？性别群众与工夫官僚的和平

题目：Transformative indicators? Gender expertise and technocratic peace

作家简介：Laura McLeod，英国曼彻斯特大学海外政事学高档讲师。她的盘考包括性别、女权方针、安全以及冲突后的和平缔造。

摘录：在畴前十年中，使用盘算来跟踪海外和平缔造和维和技俩、政策与实践的实践情况日益无数。好多学者品评这些盘算具有工夫官僚化、圭臬化及殖民化的效应。然则，本文从不同的角度进行探讨：盘算能带来变革吗？现代对盘算的品评平素将其视为孤独、去情境化的官僚器用，冷漠了开采、使用和颠覆盘算的东说念主类主体的复杂性。本文将盘算界说为一种强有劲的性别化常识分娩工夫，既可被轨制步履体开采、使用，也可被他们颠覆。本文通过对轨制步履体的访谈以及集中国文牍长评释的分析，探究了26个盘算之一的发展历程，该盘算用于忖度集中国“妇女、和平与安全”（WPS）议程的实践情况。所盘考的盘算跟踪了集中国维和与至极政事任务中聘请高档性别群众的数目。2010年至2020年间，围绕这一盘算的阐述、手段和地方的评释揭示了集中国中提倡变革的女性方针者所采用的策略和收拢的契机，股东了WPS议程的潜入实践。尽管盘算有固化新摆脱方针设施的风险，但冷漠其开采、使用或颠覆方面的后劲无疑是一种快乐，截至了完竣实质性变革的契机。

In the last decade， the use of indicators to track implementation of international peacebuilding and peacekeeping programmes， policies and practices has proliferated. Indicators are criticised by many scholars for their technocratic， standardised and colonialising effects. This article follows a different line of inquiry. Can indicators be transformative? Contemporary critiques place indicators as bureaucratic artefacts in a vacuum， detached and decontextualised from the nuances of human agency developing， utilising and subverting them. I conceptualise indicators as powerful gendered technologies of knowledge creation developed， used and subverted by institutional actors. Using interviews with institutional actors and United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Reports， I trace institutional stories of one indicator (out of 26) developed to capture implementation of the UN Women， Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The indicator investigated tracks the number of senior gender experts employed within UN Peacekeeping and Special Political Missions. Stories of progress， skill， and location in the reporting of this indicator between 2010 and 2020 highlight strategies deployed and opportunities taken by feminist-change advocates within the UN to prompt a deeper implementation of the WPS agenda. While indicators hold the danger of reinforcing neoliberal norms， the failure to conceptualise the potential for developing， utilising and/or subverting the indicators smacks of hubris， limiting opportunities for meaningful transformation.

探讨集中国维和手脚对东说念国对外事务的影响

题目：Exploring the impact of United Nations peacekeeping operations on the external affairs of host states

作家简介：Richard Caplan，牛津大学政事与海皮毛关系海皮毛关栽植。John Gledhill，牛津大学海外发展系寰球治理副栽植。Maline Meiske，牛津大学政事与海皮毛关系博士后盘考员。

摘录：集中国（UN）维和手脚（PKOs）的盘考平素很少热心东说念国发展的一个首要方面——对外事务。本文聚焦于冷战后时期的集中国维和手脚，旨在探讨集中国维和手脚若何影响东说念国的对外事务。咱们通过对集中国维和手脚枢纽文献的定量内容分析，信服了集中国热心的东说念国对外事务的具体方面。接着，本文建议一个意见框架，辞别出维和手脚对东说念国对外事务至极具影响力的三个领域：相关构建、轨制与酬酢才调缔造以及政策制定。咱们识别了维和手脚影响东说念国对外事务的三条旅途：授权变装、自主手脚以及无意后果。勾搭文献分析和原创访谈数据，本文以东帝汶和利比里亚这两个频年来经受过大鸿沟集中国维和任务的两个国度为例，阐释了该意见框架的执行应用。

Studies of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations (PKOs) typically give scant attention to an important aspect of host states’ development: their external affairs. This article identifies ways in which UN PKOs can shape the external affairs of host states， focusing on UN peacekeeping in the post-Cold War period. We present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of key UN peacekeeping documents to establish which aspects of host state external affairs have been of concern to the UN. We then provide a conceptual framework that maps three areas of external affairs in which PKOs are particularly influential: relationship-building; institution- and diplomatic capacity-building; and the shaping of policy in domains of external affairs. We identify three pathways through which PKOs shape the external affairs of host states: mandated roles， improvised actions， and unintended consequences. Drawing on documentary analysis and original interview data， we illustrate our conceptual framework through an exploration of the impact of peacekeeping on the external affairs of two countries that have hosted large-scale UN-led peacekeeping missions in recent decades: Timor-Leste (East Timor) and Liberia.

西方对中国海外基础枢纽融资的替代有探求为何失败

题目：Why the West’s alternative to China’s international infrastructure financing is failing

作家简介：Shahar Hameiri，昆士兰大学政事学与海皮毛关学院的海外政事学栽植，澳大利亚盘考理事会异日盘考员，他的主要盘考东亚和太平洋地区的安全与发展问题。Lee Jones，伦敦玛丽女王大学政事经济学与海皮毛关栽植。他的盘考要点是政事经济、安全、治理、主权和侵略，尤其是在东亚。

摘录：跟着地缘政事竞争加重，西方国度试图与中国的“一带一齐”倡议（BRI）竞争。然则，寰球基础枢纽的资金动员依然不及，标明西方国度难以挑战中国在此领域的主导地位。为什么会这么？通过对中国和好意思国的比拟政事经济分析，本文以为，单靠地缘计谋想维的国度料理者无法创造真确的竞争力。国度的上风和过失根植于结构性政事经济动态。当国度料理者的经营适当或反应庞杂社会力量过甚所掌控的成本和分娩力的利益时，时时会产生强有劲的影响。这在中国尤其赫然，其倡议主如果为处单干业饱胀和成本过度蚁集问题提供空间和时期上的转机器用。相悖，当地缘政事抱负与势力集团的利益和物资现实脱节时，效果时时乏善可陈。这少量适用于好意思国，其特色是基础枢纽老化、工业空腹化以及占主导地位的金融部门对基础枢纽基本不感兴致。尽管好意思国国度料理者已转向加大对国内基础枢纽的插足，但在海外上，西方赓续采用的新摆脱方针作念法仍然依赖于动员私东说念主成本参与基础枢纽投资这逐一经失败的作念法。

As geopolitical rivalry intensifies， Western states have moved to compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However， the mobilisation of funds for global infrastructure remains paltry， suggesting that Western states cannot contest Chinese dominance here. Why? Through comparative political economy analysis of China and the United States， we argue that serious competition cannot be willed into being by state managers thinking geostrategically. States’ strengths and weaknesses are rooted in structural political economy dynamics. Where state managers’ plans jibe with， or express， the interests of powerful social forces and the capital and productive forces they command， a powerful impact results. This is true of China， whose BRI is principally a spatio-temporal fix for industrial overcapacity and over-accumulated capital. Conversely， where geopolitical ambitions are divorced from powerful groups’ interests and material realities， results are lacklustre. This applies to the United States， characterised by infrastructural decay， industrial hollowing-out and a dominant financial sector largely disinterested in infrastructure. Although US state managers are turning towards increased state spending on domestic infrastructure， internationally， the West’s continued neoliberal approach still relies on the already-failed approach of mobilising private capital into infrastructure investment.

成员国退出何时会导致海外组织的败北？

题目：When do member state withdrawals lead to the death of international organizations?

作家简介：Inken von Borzyskowski，牛津大学海皮毛关学栽植。她的盘考侧重于海皮毛关的国内务治，要点是海外组织过甚对国内冲突和选举的影响。Felicity Vabulas，佩珀代因大学海外盘考副栽植。她的盘考要点是海外组织的政事经济学和番邦游说。

摘录：

近来的盘考热心到列国对海外组织（IOs）的反弹，包括成员国退出是否会影响海外组织的存续。因此，咱们建议问题：成员国退出何时会导致海外组织的败北？咱们对退出与海外组织败北之间存在无数关联握怀疑魄力，因为平素单个成员国并非海外组织生计的枢纽。此外，退出时时是由于个别成员国的偏好与其他成员产生不合，这些留存成员可能在退出后集中在一说念，从而确保甚而延伸海外组织的存续。即使是多个国度的退出，也巧合导致海外组织的败北，因为一个较小的成员团体可能更易克服集体手脚的挑战。然则，首要成员的退出可能会因资源、阛阓影响力和引导的缺失而影响组织的存续。咱们诓骗生计模子，对1909至2014/2020年时期532个海外组织的退出数据进行测试，并通过案例分析阐明其动态。扫尾复古咱们的不雅点：退出总体上并不导致海外组织的败北，但首创成员的退出可能加快其败北。意思的是，经济实力较强的国度的退出似乎有助于海外组织的存续（平素通过翻新和/或从头加入完竣）。这些发现存助于更好地分解海外组织的人命周期，以及海外互助的韧性和脆弱性。

Recent research has drawn attention to states’ backlash against international organizations (IOs)， including whether member state withdrawals affect the longevity of IOs. We therefore ask when do member state withdrawals lead to the death of IOs? We are skeptical of a general link between withdrawal and IO death because on average， any one member is not critical for the survival of an IO. Also， withdrawal is often driven by one member state’s preferences diverging from remaining members; these remaining states may band together after withdrawal， ensuring or even enhancing the longevity of the IO. Even withdrawal by several states may not contribute to IO death because a smaller group of remaining members may better overcome collective action challenges. Nonetheless， exit by an important member may affect IO survival by removing resources， market power， and guidance. We test these arguments using survival models on an original dataset of withdrawals across 532 IOs from 1909 to 2014/2020 and illustrate the dynamics with case vignettes. The results support our arguments: withdrawals in general do not lead to IO death but the withdrawal of founding members can speed IO death. Interestingly， withdrawal by economically powerful states seems to facilitate IO survival (often through reform and/or re-entry). These findings contribute to a better understanding of the lifecycle of IOs as well as to the resilience and vulnerabilities of international cooperation.

编译 | 束任翔

审校 | 张潇文

排版 | 杨语灵

本文源于《欧洲海皮毛关杂志》（EJIR） Vol. 30， No. 3， 2024，本文为公益共享，作事于科研训诫，不代表本平台不雅点。如有应付亚洲幼女，迎接指正。

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